❶ 蒙塔茲·扎伊迪是誰
伊拉克巴格達電視台的一名記者，伊拉克的「愛國者導彈之父」.哈哈！
詳細請查看http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_5b6cb2030100binn.html
❷ 伊拉克記者扎伊迪的自述稿
我自由了。但我的國家仍在戰火中煎熬。很多人都在談論那件事和做了事的那個人，英雄和他的英雄壯舉，標志和那個標志性的事件。但我只回答說：促使我行動的是我的人民遭遇的不公，是因為佔領軍要將我的家鄉踏於腳下，任其凌辱。
過去幾年中，超過一百萬殉道者倒在佔領軍的子彈之下，而在伊拉克全境，現在有超過五百萬孤兒嗷嗷待哺，一百萬寡婦無依無靠，還有幾十萬傷殘者在忍受病痛的折磨，數百萬伊拉克人或無家可歸，或流亡海外。
……
我不是一個英雄。但我有我的觀點，我有我的立場。我不忍看到我的國家受人凌辱，看到我的巴格達化為灰燼，看到我的人民慘遭屠殺。千百幅悲慘的畫面在我腦海中縈繞，它們使我奮起反抗。阿布格萊布監獄的虐囚丑聞。在費盧傑、納傑夫、哈迪塞、薩德爾、巴士拉、迪亞拉、摩蘇爾、塔拉法乃至我傷痕累累的祖國每一寸領土上發生的屠殺。走過我化為焦土的國家，我親眼見到受害者的痛苦、親耳聽到失去母親的孤兒和失去孩子的母親痛苦的哀號。恥辱像惡毒的詛咒揮之不去，因為我對這一切無能為力。
每當我結束了家常便飯一般的慘劇報道，當我洗去身上伊拉克被毀民房的碎片，或者衣服上的斑斑血跡，我總會咬緊牙，向我受難的同胞們發誓。我發誓為他們報仇。
機會來了，我抓住了它。
我抓住它是為了在入侵者佔領中流下的每一滴無辜者的鮮血，是為了痛失愛子的母親每一聲悲鳴，是為了孤兒的每一聲呻吟，是為了被侵犯者的痛苦，是為了失去父母的孩子的眼淚。
對那些指責我的人我要說：你知道我扔出去的那隻鞋子曾走進過多少變成瓦礫的民房？它曾多少次踏過無辜受害者的鮮血？也許當一切價值都受到侵犯的時候，那隻鞋才是最恰當的回應。
我向布希那個罪人扔鞋子，是為了抗議他的謊言，抗議他佔領我的國家，抗議他殺戮我的同胞，抗議他掠奪我祖國的財富，毀壞我祖國的設施，還將世代生活在這里的人民驅離故土。
我雖然褻瀆了新聞業，但非我本意。我對自己的行為給記者這項職業帶來的難堪表示歉意。我只是想表達一個每天眼見自己祖國遭受蹂躪的伊拉克人內心的感受，以求問心無愧……
我既不為青史留名，也不為錦衣玉食。我只是想保衛我的國家
In the name of God, the most gracious and most merciful.
Here I am, free. But my country is still a prisoner of war.
Firstly, I give my thanks and my regards to everyone who stood beside me, whether inside my country, in the Islamic world, in the free world. There has been a lot of talk about the action and about the person who took it, and about the hero and the heroic act, and the symbol and the symbolic act.
But, simply, I answer: What compelled me to confront is the injustice that befell my people, and how the occupation wanted to humiliate my homeland by putting it under its boot.
And how it wanted to crush the skulls of (the homeland』s) sons under its boots, whether sheikhs, women, children or men. And ring the past few years, more than a million martyrs fell by the bullets of the occupation and the country is now filled with more than 5 million orphans, a million widows and hundreds of thousands of maimed. And many millions of homeless because of displacement inside and outside the country.
We used to be a nation in which the Arab would share with the Turkman and the Kurd and the Assyrian and the Sabean and the Yazid his daily bread. And the Shiite would pray with the Sunni in one line. And the Muslim would celebrate with the Christian the birthday of Christ, may peace be upon him. And despite the fact that we shared hunger under sanctions for more than 10 years, for more than a decade.
Our patience and our solidarity did not make us forget the oppression. Until we were invaded by the illusion of liberation that some had. (The occupation) divided one brother from another, one neighbor from another, and the son from his uncle. It turned our homes into never-ending funeral tents. And our graveyards spread into parks and roadsides. It is a plague. It is the occupation that is killing us, that is violating the houses of worship and the sanctity of our homes and that is throwing thousands daily into makeshift prisons.
I am not a hero, and I admit that. But I have a point of view and I have a stance. It humiliated me to see my country humiliated. And to see my Baghdad burned. And my people being killed. Thousands of tragic pictures remained in my head, and this weighs on me every day and pushes me toward the righteous path, the path of confrontation, the path of rejecting injustice, deceit and plicity. It deprived me of a good night』s sleep.
Dozens, no, hundreds, of images of massacres that would turn the hair of a newborn white used to bring tears to my eyes and wound me. The scandal of Abu Ghraib. The massacre of Fallujah, Najaf, Haditha, Sadr City, Basra, Diyala, Mosul, Tal Afar, and every inch of our wounded land. In the past years, I traveled through my burning land and saw with my own eyes the pain of the victims, and hear with my own ears the screams of the bereaved and the orphans. And a feeling of shame haunted me like an ugly name because I was powerless.
And as soon as I finished my professional ties in reporting the daily tragedies of the Iraqis, and while I washed away the remains of the debris of the ruined Iraqi houses, or the traces of the blood of victims that stained my clothes, I would clench my teeth and make a pledge to our victims, a pledge of vengeance.
The opportunity came, and I took it.
I took it out of loyalty to every drop of innocent blood that has been shed through the occupation or because of it, every scream of a bereaved mother, every moan of an orphan, the sorrow of a rape victim, the teardrop of an orphan.
I say to those who reproach me: Do you know how many broken homes that shoe that I threw had entered because of the occupation? How many times it had trodden over the blood of innocent victims? And how many times it had entered homes in which free Iraqi women and their sanctity had been violated? Maybe that shoe was the appropriate response when all values were violated..
When I threw the shoe in the face of the criminal, Bush, I wanted to express my rejection of his lies, his occupation of my country, my rejection of his killing my people. My rejection of his plundering the wealth of my country, and destroying its infrastructure. And casting out its sons into a diaspora.
After six years of humiliation, of indignity, of killing and violations of sanctity, and desecration of houses of worship, the killer comes, boasting, bragging about victory and democracy. He came to say goodbye to his victims and wanted flowers in response.
Put simply, that was my flower to the occupier, and to all who are in league with him, whether by spreading lies or taking action, before the occupation or after.
I wanted to defend the honor of my profession and suppressed patriotism on the day the country was violated and its high honor lost. Some say: Why didn』t he ask Bush an embarrassing question at the press conference, to shame him? And now I will answer you, journalists. How can I ask Bush when we were ordered to ask no questions before the press conference began, but only to cover the event. It was prohibited for any person to question Bush.
And in regard to professionalism: The professionalism mourned by some under the auspices of the occupation should not have a voice louder than the voice of patriotism. And if patriotism were to speak out, then professionalism should be allied with it.
I take this opportunity: If I have wronged journalism without intention, because of the professional embarrassment I caused the establishment, I wish to apologize to you for any embarrassment I may have caused those establishments. All that I meant to do was express with a living conscience the feelings of a citizen who sees his homeland desecrated every day.
History mentions many stories where professionalism was also compromised at the hands of American policymakers, whether in the assassination attempt against Fidel Castro by booby-trapping a TV camera that CIA agents posing as journalists from Cuban TV were carrying, or what they did in the Iraqi war by deceiving the general public about what was happening. And there are many other examples that I won』t get into here.
But what I would like to call your attention to is that these suspicious agencies — the American intelligence and its other agencies and those that follow them — will not spare any effort to track me down (because I am) a rebel opposed to their occupation. They will try to kill me or neutralize me, and I call the attention of those who are close to me to the traps that these agencies will set up to capture or kill me in various ways, physically, socially or professionally.
And at the time that the Iraqi prime minister came out on satellite channels to say that he didn』t sleep until he had checked in on my safety, and that I had found a bed and a blanket, even as he spoke I was being tortured with the most horrific methods: electric shocks, getting hit with cables, getting hit with metal rods, and all this in the backyard of the place where the press conference was held. And the conference was still going on and I could hear the voices of the people in it. And maybe they, too, could hear my screams and moans.
In the morning, I was left in the cold of winter, tied up after they soaked me in water at dawn. And I apologize for Mr. Maliki for keeping the truth from the people. I will speak later, giving names of the people who were involved in torturing me, and some of them were high-ranking officials in the government and in the army.
I didn』t do this so my name would enter history or for material gains. All I wanted was to defend my country, and that is a legitimate cause confirmed by international laws and divine rights. I wanted to defend a country, an ancient civilization that has been desecrated, and I am sure that history — especially in America — will state how the American occupation was able to subjugate Iraq and Iraqis, until its submission.
They will boast about the deceit and the means they used in order to gain their objective. It is not strange, not much different from what happened to the Native Americans at the hands of colonialists. Here I say to them (the occupiers) and to all who follow their steps, and all those who support them and spoke up for their cause: Never.
Because we are a people who would rather die than face humiliation.
And, lastly, I say that I am independent. I am not a member of any politicalparty, something that was said ring torture — one time that I』m far-right, another that I』m a leftist. I am independent of any political party, and my future efforts will be in civil service to my people and to any who need it, without waging any political wars, as some said that I would..
My efforts will be toward providing care for widows and orphans, and all those whose lives were damaged by the occupation. I pray for mercy upon the souls of the martyrs who fell in wounded Iraq, and for shame upon those who occupied Iraq and everyone who assisted them in their abominable acts. And I pray for peace upon those who are in their graves, and those who are oppressed with the chains of imprisonment. And peace be upon you who are patient and looking to God for release.
And to my beloved country I say: If the night of injustice is prolonged, it will not stop the rising of a sun and it will be the sun of freedom.
One last word. I say to the government: It is a trust that I carry from my fellow detainees. They said, 『Muntadhar, if you get out, tell of our plight to the omnipotent powers』 — I know that only God is omnipotent and I pray to Him — 『remind them that there are dozens, hundreds, of victims rotting in prisons because of an informant』s word.』
They have been there for years, they have not been charged or tried.
They』ve only been snatched up from the streets and put into these prisons. And now, in front of you, and in the presence of God, I hope they can hear me or see me. I have now made good on my promise of reminding the government and the officials and the politicians to look into what』s happening inside the prisons. The injustice that』s caused by the delay in the judicial system.
Thank you. And may God』s peace be upon you
❸ 當年向小布希扔鞋，被大家視為英雄的伊拉克新聞記者，他結局如何
世界上曾經發生過很多的戰爭，哪怕是我們的國家，依舊逃不了這一個災難。在第二次世界大戰的時候，日本侵略了我們的中國，還有八國聯軍侵華行動，至今為止依然給我們的民族烙下了深深的印記。我們要不忘國恥，振興中華。不管歷史過去了多久，我們都應該要記住那段恥辱的日子，否則我們就不能夠前行。一個真正愛國的人，當看到曾經侵略我們國家的國人，我們心裏面都會有一個疙瘩，我相信很多人都是這個樣子的。今天我們就來講一講，曾經向小布希扔鞋，被視為英雄的伊拉克記者，後來生活怎麼樣？
結語:歷史的車輪永遠都不可能倒退，我們人類只能夠向前進步，為了一個國家能夠發展得更加的好。孩子從小就應該要好好讀書，因為青年人是一個國家和民族的希望，是早上9:00的太陽朝氣蓬勃，祖國的未來需要靠這些人。
❹ 蒙塔澤爾·扎伊迪的中東掀起新型擇偶熱潮
扔鞋記者扎伊迪目前成了不少阿拉伯人心目中的英雄，由於他尚未娶妻，巴勒斯坦人和埃及人紛紛表示，非常樂意把女兒嫁給這位「飛鞋英雄」。
薩伊基指出，「生活在摩洛哥的一位伊拉克人，還有一個著名的埃及教授打電話表示，要把他的女兒許配給扎伊迪，並且是女兒自願的。另外還有多名女孩也表示要嫁給扎伊迪。」
一名埃及男子表示，願意將其20歲的女兒許配給向布希總統「飛鞋」的伊拉克記者扎伊迪。該男子的女兒阿瑪爾·古瑪也表示同意：「這是讓我感到榮幸的一件事。我願意住在伊拉克，尤其是如果我能追隨這位英雄的話。」據悉，阿瑪爾是埃及中部明亞大學的新聞系學生。她的父親薩德·古瑪表示，他已經給扎伊迪的哥哥德爾加姆打電話，表示了此番意願。「我覺得除了把我的女兒許配給他，真的沒有什麼是更寶貴的了，我會為他准備好結婚所需的所有東西。」
在約旦河西岸的一個大家族表示，鑒於這位「飛鞋」記者的英勇行為，他們准備獎勵他一位新娘。
75歲的家族掌門人朱迪荷說，如果扎伊迪對我的家族感興趣，我們非常樂意將其中一名女兒許配給他，並附上豐盛的嫁妝。他還表示，女兒如果能嫁給扎伊迪，這將是家族的無上光榮。據悉，這個家族在星期五還向扎伊迪辯護案件捐助了3萬美元。
❺ 向布希扔鞋的記者，後來怎麼樣了
2003年3月，美國領導的聯軍以伊拉克擁有「大規模殺傷性武器」為由，悍然發動了伊拉克戰爭。用了近1個月推翻了薩達姆政權，年底把薩達姆從地窖里抓了出來。隨後就把薩達姆送到了審判庭，薩達姆怒斥這都是演戲，在聽到絞刑判決的時候，高呼伊拉克萬歲！2006年的宰牲節，薩達姆被處決，終年69歲，1代梟雄成為了歷史。此後伊拉克的襲擊事件不斷，民眾朝不保夕。
2008年，即將卸任的美國總統布希到伊拉克訪問，在跟伊拉克領導人馬利基召開新聞發布會時，被1個名叫扎伊迪的記者扔了鞋。扎伊迪當時就職於開羅巴格達迪亞電視台，向布希扔了2次鞋，第1次扔鞋時說「這是給狗的告別之吻！」但布希閃避及時，沒被砸到。第2次說「這是伊拉克的寡婦孤兒和難民送的！」第2隻皮鞋砸到了美國和伊拉克的國旗，總算是命中目標了。
有些記者當場向布希道歉，布希也接受了道歉，認為這沒什麼，純粹是扎伊迪為了引起注意所作的舉動，對他本人沒什麼傷害。布希表示一點都不生氣，認為1個自由的社會就要形成了，這對安全與和平是至關重要的。
布希雖然嘴上很客氣，但事實上卻有「打擊報復」的嫌疑。當時《紐約時報》發文稱扎伊迪被拖出房間後被保安人員嚴重毆打，慘叫聲傳回房間內，場內留下1條血道。後來，伊拉克法庭以「攻擊外國領導人」為由把扎伊迪判刑3年，經過上訴減為1年，扎伊迪表現不錯又被縮短為9個月。2009年9月15日，扎伊迪在巴格達獲釋出獄，在伊拉克混不下去了，後來就去了黎巴嫩的1家電視台工作了。
雖然布希躲開了鞋，但還是慘遭」打臉「，伊拉克的安全局勢到現在也沒改善多少啊。沒了薩達姆，伊拉克就是這般的模樣，歷史無法更改了。
❻ 扎伊迪該扔鞋嗎
我贊同扎伊迪的做法
為了維護祖國尊嚴不惜犧牲性命 拿鞋扔布希 這可不是一件小事 布希表面無所謂 他心裡是怎麼想的 鬼才知道（可以換位思考一下 猜猜布希想些什麼)
同時 我鄙視一樓的那個人 嚴重鄙視 你見過哪個記者為了作秀連命也不要了 你以為扔布希是玩啊 要不你試試去
支持扎伊迪--「鞋彈」英雄!!
❼ 蒙塔澤爾·扎伊迪的刑期減為1年
2009年4月7日，伊拉克上訴法院決定把向美國前總統布希扔鞋抗議的伊拉克記者扎伊迪的刑期從3年減為1年。
扎伊迪的律師薩阿迪通過電話告訴新華社記者：「上訴法院已經決定把扎伊迪的刑期縮減為1年。」他解釋說，上訴法院同意縮減刑期是因為「原來的判決沒有考慮到扎伊迪的動機，以及他沒有任何犯罪前科的事實」。
❽ 蒙塔澤爾·扎伊迪發表的講話誰有
這個東西被封了。。
❾ 胡賽武裝到底有多麼厲害，為何如此兇殘
當你想念一個人時，能夠隨時去打擾，而他也會給你回應，這本身其實是一件很幸福的事。有很多人，想念一個人時，都不知道怎麼去聯系吧。怕是打擾，所以才有不打擾是我的溫柔，盡管這溫柔只有你自己才知道
近來，阿拉伯半島上最貧窮的國家葉門似乎越來越「鬧騰」。看似被強大的阿拉伯聯軍「碾壓」的什葉派胡塞民兵，不僅頻頻高調施放導彈，打得沙特、阿聯酋等國眉頭緊鎖，還有餘力「清理門戶」，將有意叛離的盟友、75歲的前總統薩利赫迅速鏟除。在許多人眼裡，胡塞民兵如同石頭縫里鑽出來的「孫悟空」，它太過神秘了，這到底是何方神聖？
圖說：新招募的胡塞武裝戰士參加集會。視覺中國
胡塞之源
在葉門人口中，什葉派的宰德教派和遜尼派的沙裴儀教派各佔50%，而什葉派長期處於「無兵無權無勢」的狀態。誕生在什葉派聚居區的胡塞民兵，雛形是1992年在薩亞達省（Saada）扎伊迪部落（Zaydi，屬於什葉派）里成立的「青年信仰運動」（BY），核心人物是宗教學者侯塞因阿爾-胡塞（Hussein al-Hawthi）。據薩那大學教授艾哈邁德阿達格哈什（Ahmed Addaghashi）介紹，青年信仰運動起初只是神學組織，宣揚和平、寬容和心胸開闊的教育文化，通過建立俱樂部和夏令營來「促進扎伊迪部落發展和什葉派文化的復興」。僅在1994-1995年，就有1.5-2萬名扎伊迪青年參加夏令營。
2003年美國入侵伊拉克之後，青年信仰運動在薩那屢次舉行反美和反猶太人的示威運動，遭到當權的薩利赫總統鎮壓，導致800多名扎伊迪青年被捕。2004年，薩利赫一度邀請運動領袖侯塞因協商談判，但被信仰運動視作「鴻門宴」而拒絕。2004年6月18日，政府軍在薩亞達省展開針對信仰運動的清剿，該組織索性扯起反旗，並在伊朗、黎巴嫩真主黨的支持下迅速壯大。9月10日，侯塞因在戰斗中陣亡，指揮權轉入戰友阿卜杜拉馬利克胡塞手裡，同時據俄羅斯《觀點報》等媒體介紹，來自伊朗革命衛隊聖城旅及黎巴嫩真主黨的軍事顧問團也承擔起訓練和指揮職能。胡塞民兵剛起事時，成員只有1000-3000人，但通過「以戰養戰」和外部輸血，如今已有1萬名戰士，這還不包括約10-12萬名追隨者。
2011年10月，胡塞民兵佔領葉門與沙特邊境制高點可汗山，沙特因感受到威脅，遂出動空軍戰斗機實施長達一周的轟炸，但並未傷及胡塞民兵的筋骨，反而讓胡塞武裝與沙特等海灣阿拉伯君主國的關系變得緊張。之後，葉門政府軍與胡塞民兵一直斷斷續續開火，直到2010年達成停火協議。
但沒想到2011年席捲整個中東的「阿拉伯之春」宣告統治葉門33年的薩利赫政府倒台，當各政黨忙於爭權奪利之際，拒絕參加全國對話會議（NDC）的胡塞民兵卻在伊朗支持下穩扎穩打，不斷擴大控制區，2011年11月至次年5月，胡塞徹底控制薩亞達、焦夫和哈傑三省，不僅獲得紅海出海口，方便獲取外援，同時也對首都薩那構成直接威脅。2014年9月21日，胡塞民兵與仍暗中掌握相當部分軍隊的薩利赫結成聯盟，奪取薩那衛星城拉達，次年1月19日更是殺進薩那總統府，硬生生把總統哈迪轟到南部亞丁港，後者不得不尋求沙特等國出兵援助，進而導致葉門內戰國際化。
圖說：葉門政府軍與胡塞武裝作戰。視覺中國
「一場隱秘戰爭」
法國國家科學研究中心研究員洛朗博納富瓦告訴《世界報》記者達維德斯托勒呂，對於葉門戰爭的界定與分析，要留心幾個關鍵時間點。首先是葉門社會對1978年至2012年間大權在握的薩利赫政權的反感與推翻。接下來中間的時間點與2011年反薩利赫運動有關，這場運動讓人產生了極大的希望，但沒能形成過渡，沒能引發葉門統治精英們的變革，沒能促成社會財富分配的公平化和另一種穩定權力的出現。最後是自2015年3月26日起的阿拉伯聯盟武裝干預，進一步將葉門這一國家推向解體的深淵。
葉門局勢的嚴峻性，只要看看這場戰爭有多少交戰方就略知一二了。概括來說，目前葉門戰事有五個交戰方，它們時而結盟，時而對抗。首先是胡塞民兵，他們在成功運用並打倒薩利赫集團後就獨霸葉門北方。其次是得到西方和海灣國家支持卻軟弱無力的哈迪政府軍。第三是站在胡塞身邊的伊朗革命衛隊秘密組織聖城旅。第四是為哈迪撐腰打氣的沙特、阿聯酋軍隊。最後是接近「基地」組織的極端聖戰集團。
博納富瓦認為，通過觀察僵持的戰線走向，大致能夠確定葉門國家解體的「斷裂線」，由於該國南北分治的歷史與影響遠超短暫的20年統一，葉門教派和地區矛盾因戰爭而進一步固化，以至於當前戰線的走向和該國教派分裂的區域分界線大體一致。更重要的是，由胡塞民兵控制的北方地區大部分居民是屬於什葉派的宰德派，而反胡塞則往往都是遜尼派，這種帶有強烈宗教意味的「聖戰」讓任何一方吃掉對方都非常難。
眾所周知，沙特組織聯軍在2015年三月發起對葉門民兵胡塞武裝的軍事打擊，至今已經兩年半多了，不但沒有打贏反而惹火上身。前提是以沙特為主導的十幾國聯軍，在一開始就投入了15萬地面部隊和100多架戰機。聯軍地面部隊和空中打擊戰機都是一水的美歐先進型號，卻創下了一周內被擊毀200輛坦克裝甲力量的驕人敗績。
卡達的消息人士稱，沙特等國聯軍在葉門的軍事行動是得到幕後大國支持的，並得到了持續的戰場綜合情報支援。在外界看來是一場沒有懸念的、可以快速取得壓倒性勝利的戰爭。但是令人倍感意外的是，兩年多的時間早已過去，胡塞武裝不但逐步壯大而且逼近到沙特家門口。沙特軍事介入葉門本來是要凸顯和拓展影響力，但現在面子問題都沒法談了。
美歐等主要軍事大國都知道「打架」是要花大錢的，所以現在死活都不願意直接介入中東當前各軍事熱點區。沙特現在也終於看明白但有點太晚了。據報道，沙特出兵葉門的頭9個月，其軍事花費就超過500億美元。此後，沙特每月花費超過7億美元。沙特財政負擔嚴重，不得不拋售價值700億美元基金並多次發行國債。問題是這種煎熬「何時是個頭兒」啊？
打不贏總是要找個理由的-----不是胡塞武裝太能打而是後台撐得硬。沙特就剛剛葉門導彈發射事件指責警告伊朗稱，這可以被「視作戰爭行為」。並確認封鎖葉門海陸空通道，以阻止胡塞武裝獲得援助。這明擺著是要向「中東之虎」伊朗叫板。伊朗從葉門內展開始就不間斷的從海上向葉門提供人道主義援助，如果現在遭遇沙特海上阻攔，很可能釀成兩國的直接沖突。
首先，我們要承認沙特的軍費支出其實佔比不低！沙特已不足土耳其40%的人口在中東地區GDP排行第二，僅略低於土耳其的8567.9億美元。
看著又眼紅了的沙特狗大戶
其軍費支出佔比超過年GDP的12%，不低於800億美元（中國也才2000多億美元），居世界第四。其武裝部隊總兵力約10.6萬人，對應人口總數為2000多萬。可以看出，沙特已經是很努力的把國家經濟成果盡量用於軍事力量投入了。
可是均攤下來每名軍人國家在其身上投入差不多80萬美元，所謂重賞之下必有勇夫，為何面對胡賽武裝之類近乎游擊隊的存在，高大上的沙特部隊打得這么差了？
首先，大家覺得沙特有錢的印象來源於過去十幾年的渲染和媒體對那幾個王子奢靡生活連篇累牘的報道。隨著中國經濟的突飛猛進，如今的沙特的GDP還沒河南多，人均GDP也比不上中國台灣。甚至隨著石油價格的下跌，沙特現在人均GDP只有1977年的78.2%。
GDP對比
考慮到沙特的軍費總支出和經濟產業結構，幾千個阿拉伯王子富裕的個人財政狀況，各方面GDP對比換算下人均，普通人過得應該不是很好。
而沙特經濟結構欠完善，軍工產業極端落後，為保持一支區域型強大軍隊，每年必須耗巨資用以軍購本國不能生產的先進武器。但維護水平和維護能力並沒有達到相應水平。現代軍事裝備後期的維護的費用基本等於售價的4倍，沙特在巨資購買之後還真未必有錢花得起。
同時沙特並不能自產武器，別的國家各種軍事演習、訓練是因為自己生產自己用比較便宜，而買別人的武器彈葯訓練用即使是沙特估計也心疼。
作為武器的搬運工國家，沙特還欠缺對高科技武器的使用經驗。目前沙特相對來說戰鬥力較強的空軍其實基本都是僱傭巴基斯坦軍人訓練甚至直接作戰的。
❿ 葉門胡塞武裝由哪些國家支持
1)支持胡賽武裝的國家主要是伊朗。
胡賽武裝起初只是葉門多個部落武裝中的之一，中間歷經組合演變終於名聲遠揚，發展到今天一舉攻入葉門首都薩拉擊斃了前總統「中東之狐」薩利赫。1992年，葉門的扎伊迪部落成立了「青年信仰運動組織」，創始人是宗教學者海珊.阿爾.胡塞。海珊.胡塞是當地扎伊迪部落的望族子弟，他一改父祖中庸做法，別出心裁以促進什葉派文化復興為胡塞武裝的宗教口號，獲得了宗教和政治上的大量支持。同時他以反美反猶為旗幟，口號是：「殺死美國、幹掉以色列！」吸引團聚了很多葉門群眾，終於成為了可以在葉門呼風喚雨的強大武裝。
2)從宗教派別而言，目前中東除了伊朗和敘利亞是什葉派政權外，其他幾近都是遜尼派國家。胡賽武裝信奉什葉派，並且漸成氣候，伊朗沒有理由不支持它。同時更重要的是，胡賽武裝目前已能左右葉門局勢，而葉門抵近沙特，這不啻為擱在沙特下巴底下的一柄尖刀，對於伊朗和沙特在中東逐鹿至關重要。因此伊朗就成為了胡賽武裝的最大金主和強力外援，還有黎巴嫩真主黨武裝和厄利垂亞的打手出力。